Great Indian Heroes

Nehru was a major political leader of the Congress Party, a pivotal figure in the Indian independence movement and the first Prime Minister of independent India. He was also a key figure in international politics in the post-war period (in which he was considered the leader of third world interests) and patriarch of the Nehru-Gandhi family, one of the most influential forces in Indian politics. He is popularly referred to as Panditji (Scholar) and Pandit Nehru.

The son of the wealthy Indian barrister and politician Motilal Nehru, Nehru became a leader of the left-wing of the Indian National Congress at a remarkably young age. Rising to Congress President under the mentorship of Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru was a charismatic, radical leader, advocating complete independence from the British Empire, and was eventually recognised as Gandhi’s political heir. A life-long liberal intellectually, Nehru was also an advocate for Fabian socialism and the public sector as the means by which long-standing challenges of economic development could be addressed.

Serving as Congress President, Nehru raised the flag of independent India in New Delhi on August 15, 1947, and served as Prime Minister. His daughter Indira and grandson Rajiv would both also serve as Prime Minister and President of the Indian National Congress, as would Rajiv’s wife Sonia. His long tenure was instrumental in shaping the traditions and structures of independent India.

Early life
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Nehru at Harrow when he was 15.Jawaharlal Nehru was born in the city of Allahabad, situated along the banks of the Ganges River (now in the state of Uttar Pradesh)[3]. He was the eldest child of Swarup Rani, the wife of wealthy barrister Motilal Nehru. The Nehru family descended from Kashmiri heritage and belonged to the Saraswat Brahmin caste of Hindus. Training as a lawyer, Motilal had moved to Allahabad and developed a successful practise and had become active in India’s largest political party, the Indian National Congress. Nehru and his sisters — Vijaya Lakshmi and Krishna — lived in a large mansion called Anand Bhavan and were raised with English customs, mannerisms and dress. While learning Hindi and Sanskrit, the Nehru children would be trained to converse fluently and regularly in English.
Jawaharlal and Kamala at their wedding.After being tutored at home and attending some of the most modern schools in India, Nehru travelled to England at the age of 15 to attend Harrow. Nicknamed “Joe” while there, he proceeded to study natural sciences at Trinity College, Cambridge before choosing to train as a barrister at the Inner Temple in London. Frequenting the theatres, museums and opera houses of London, he would spend his vacations travelling across Europe. Observers later described him as an elegant, charming young intellectual and socialite. Nehru also actively participated in the political activities of the Indian student community, growing increasingly attracted to socialism and liberalism, which were beginning to influence the politics and economies of Europe.

Upon his return to India, Nehru’s marriage was arranged with Kamala Kaul. Married on February 8, 1916, Nehru was 27 and his bride was 17 years old, at the time. The first few years of their marriage were hampered by the cultural gulf between the anglicized Nehru and Kamala, who observed Hindu traditions and focused on family affairs. The following year Kamala gave birth to their only child, their daughter Indira Priyadarshini. Having made few attempts to establish himself in a legal practise, Nehru was immediately attracted to Indian political life, which at the time was emerging from divisions over World War I. The moderate and extremist factions of the Congress had reunited in its 1916 session in Lucknow, and Indian politicians had demanded Home Rule and dominion status for India. Joining the Congress under the patronage of his father, Nehru grew increasingly disillusioned with the liberal and anglicized nature of Congress politicians, which included his father. Although frequently hailed as a future leader of the Congress and India, Nehru’s political rise did not begin until the arrival of Mahatma Gandhi on India’s political arena.
Young leader
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Nehru was very strongly attracted to Gandhi’s philosophy and leadership. Gandhi had led a successful rebellion on behalf of indentured Indian workers while a lawyer in South Africa. Upon his return to India, Gandhi organised the peasants and farmers of Champaran and Kheda in successful rebellions against oppressive tax policies levied by the British. Gandhi espoused what he termed as satyagraha — mass civil disobedience governed by ahimsa, or complete non-violence. A forceful exponent of Indian self-reliance, Gandhi’s success electrified Indians, who had been divided in their approach to contesting British rule. Having met Gandhi and learning his ideas, Nehru assisted him during the Champaran agitation.
The family of Motilal Nehru, with Jawaharlal, his wife Kamala and daughter Indira.Following Gandhi’s example, Nehru and his family abandoned their Western-style clothes, possessions and wealthy lifestyle. Wearing clothes spun out of khadi, Nehru emerged as one of the most energetic supporters of Gandhi. Under Gandhi’s influence, Nehru began studying the Bhagavad Gita and practiced yoga throughout his life. He would increasingly look to Gandhi for advice and guidance in his personal life, and would spend a lot of time travelling and living with Gandhi. Nehru travelled across India delivering political speeches aimed at recruiting India’s masses, especially its youth into the agitation launched in 1919 against the Rowlatt Acts and the Khilafat struggle. He spoke passionately and forcefully to encourage Hindu-Muslim unity, spread education and self-reliance and the need to eradicate social evils such as untouchability, poverty, ignorance and unemployment.
The young Nehru.Emerging as a key orator and prominent organiser, Nehru became one of the most popular political leaders in northern India, especially with the people of the United Provinces, Bihar and the Central Provinces. His youth and passion for social justice and equality attracted India’s Muslims, women and other minorities. Nehru’s role grew especially important following the arrest of senior leaders such as Gandhi and his father, and he was also imprisoned along with his mother and sisters for many months. Alarmed by growing violence in the conduct of mass agitations, Gandhi suspended the struggle after the killing of 22 state policemen by a mob at Chauri Chaura on February 4, 1922. This sudden move disillusioned some, including Nehru’s father Motilal, who joined the newly formed Swaraj Party in 1923. However, Nehru remained loyal to Gandhi and publicly supported him.

A lull in nationalist activities enabled Nehru to turn his attention to social causes and local government. In 1924, he was elected president of the municipal corporation of Allahabad, serving as the city’s chief executive for two years. Nehru launched ambitious schemes to promote education, sanitation, expand water and electricity supply and reduce unemployment — his ideas and experience proved valuable to him when he would assume charge of India’s government in 1947. Achieving some success, Nehru was dissatisfied and angered by the obstruction of British officials and corruption amongst civil servants. He resigned from his position within two years.

In the early part of the decade, his marriage and family life had suffered owing to the constant activity on his part and that of his father. Although facing domestic pressures and tensions in the absence of her husband, Kamala would increasingly travel with Nehru, address public meetings and seek to sponsor and encourage nationalist activities in her hometown. In the late 1920s, the initial marital gulf between the two disappeared and the couple grew closer to each other and their daughter. In 1926 Nehru took his wife and daughter to Europe so that Kamala could receive special medical care. The family travelled and lived in England, Switzerland, France and Germany. Continuing his political work, Nehru was deeply impressed by the rising currents of radical socialism in Europe, and delivered fervent speeches in condemnation of imperialism. On a visit to the Soviet Union, Nehru was favourably impressed by the command economy, but grew critical of Stalin’s totalitarianism.
Congress President
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Nehru and Gandhi.In the 1920s, Nehru was elected president of the All India Trade Unions Congress. He and Subhash Chandra Bose had become the most prominent youth leaders, and both demanded outright political independence of India. In 1927, he became a member of the League against Imperialism created in Brussels. Nehru criticised the Nehru Report prepared by his father in 1928, which called for dominion status for India within the British Empire. The radicalism of Nehru and Bose would provoke intense debates during the 1928 Congress session in Guwahati. Arguing that India would deliver an ultimatum to the British and prepare for mass struggle, Nehru and Bose won the hearts of many young Indians. To resolve the issue, Gandhi said that the British would be given two years to grant India dominion status. If they did not, the Indian National Congress (INC) would launch a national struggle for full political independence. Nehru and Bose succeeded in reducing the statutory deadline to one year.

The failure of talks with the British caused the December 1929 session in Lahore to be held in an atmosphere charged with anti-Empire sentiment. Preparing for the declaration of independence, the AICC elected Jawaharlal Nehru as Congress President at the encouragement of Gandhi. Nehru himself recalled that he was sensible of the fact that it was considered somewhat surprising:

“I have seldom felt quite so annoyed and humiliated… It is not that I was not sensible of the honour… But I did not come to it by the main entrance or even the side entrance: I appeared suddenly from a trap door and bewildered the audience into acceptance.”

On December 31, 1929 President Nehru hoisted the flag of independence before a massive public gathering along the banks of the Ravi River. The Congress would promulgate the Purna Swaraj (Complete Independence) declaration on January 26, 1930. With the launching of the Salt Satyagraha in 1930, Nehru travelled across Gujarat and other parts of the country participating and encouraging in the mass rebellion against the salt tax. Despite his father’s death in 1931, Nehru and his family remained at the forefront of the struggle. Arrested with his wife and sisters, Nehru was imprisoned for all but four months between 1931 and 1935. During that same period, however, his popularity grew enormously. According to John Gunther, Nehru was both “distrustful of it, while simultaneously unable to control being somewhat ” exhilarated and impressed”.

His family quickly chastened him with raillery; his wife and sisters, and even his small daughter, began to call him in the home the names he was given by the crowd. They would say, “Oh Jewel of India, what time is it?” or “Oh Embodiment of Sacrifice, please pass the bread.”[4]
Nehru and Gandhi at the 1942 Congress in Bombay.Nehru was released by the British and he traveled with his family once again to Europe in 1935, where his ailing wife Kamala would remain bed-ridden. Torn between the freedom struggle and tending to his wife, Nehru would travel back and forth between India and Europe. Kamala Nehru died on February 28, 1936. Deeply saddened, Nehru nevertheless continued to maintain a hectic schedule. In her memory, he wore a fresh rose on his coat for the rest of his life.

His popularity continued to grow, and his personal discomfort with that popularity rose with it. In the November, 1937 issue of the Calcutta-based journal Modern Review, an article entitled ‘The Rashtrapati’ severely criticized him. The anonymous author acknowledged Nehru’s initiative and innate drive but also pointed out glaring streaks of autocracy, saying that his character was marked by “intolerance of others and a certain contempt for the weak and inefficient”. The author, who signed himself “Chanakya”, added that Nehru’s conceit was “already formidable”, and worried that soon “Jawaharlal might fancy himself as a Caesar”. It was not suspected at the time that Chanakya was Nehru himself. This publication is a significantly important example of autocritique.[5]

Nehru had been re-elected Indian National Congress(INC) President in 1936, and had presided over its session in Lucknow. Here he participated in a fierce debate with Gandhi, Patel and other Congress leaders over the adoption of socialism as the official goal of the party. Younger socialists such as Jaya Prakash Narayan, Mridula Sarabhai, Narendra Dev and Asoka Mehta began to see Nehru as leader of Congress socialists.[citation needed] Under their pressure, the Congress passed the Avadi Resolution proclaiming socialism as the model for India’s future government. Nehru was re-elected the following year, and oversaw the Congress national campaign for the 1937 elections. Largely leaving political organisation work to others, Nehru travelled the length and breadth of the country, exhorting the masses on behalf of the Congress, which would win an outright majority in the central and most of the provincial legislatures. Although he did not contest elections himself, Nehru was seen by the national media as the leader of the Congress.[citation needed]
Jawaharlal Nehru sitting next to Mahatma Gandhi at the AICC General Session, 1942.
Maulana Azad and Nehru.At the outbreak of World War II, the Assemblies were informed that the Viceroy had unilaterally declared war on the Axis on behalf of India, without consulting the people’s representatives. Outraged at the viceroy’s arbitrary decision, all elected Congressmen resigned from their offices at the instigation of Subhash Bose and Nehru. But even as Bose would call for an outright revolt and would proceed to seek the aid of Nazi Germany and Japan, Nehru remained sympathetic to the British cause. He joined Maulana Azad, Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari and Patel in offering Congress support for the war effort in return for a commitment from the British to grant independence after the war. In doing so, Nehru broke ranks with Gandhi[citation needed], who had resisted in supporting war and remained suspicious of the British.[citation needed] The failure of negotiations and Britain’s refusal to concede independence outraged the nationalist movement. Gandhi and Patel called for an all-out rebellion, a demand that was opposed by Rajagopalachari and resisted by Nehru and Azad. After intensive debates and heated discussions, the Congress leaders called for the British to Quit India — to transfer power to Indian hands immediately or face a mass rebellion. Despite his skepticism, Nehru travelled the country to exhort India’s masses into rebellion. He was arrested with the entire Congress Working Committee on August 9, 1942 and transported to a maximum security prison at a fort in Ahmednagar. Here he remained incarcerated with his colleagues till June 1945. His daughter Indira and her husband Feroze Gandhi were also imprisoned for a few months. Nehru’s first grandchild, Rajiv Gandhi was born in 1944.

After his release from prison at the end of the Second World War, Nehru immediately resumed his political work and toured through India preparing grounds for the elections that had been promised for 1946. In October 1945, with the decisions to carry on with the INA trials announced, Nehru was instrumental in announcing the formation of the INA Defence Committee for the defence of the officers of the Indian National Army who faced court Martial in Delhi. Nehru chaired the INA Defence Committee and the legal defence team, while at the same time carrying on with his political work.[6]
India’s First Prime Minister
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Teen Murti Bhavan, Nehru’s residence as Prime Minister, now a museum in his memory.Nehru and his colleagues had been released as the British Cabinet Mission arrived to propose plans for transfer of power. The Congress held a presidential election in the knowledge that its chosen leader would become India’s head of government.

Once elected, Nehru headed an interim government, which was impaired by outbreaks of communal violence and political disorder, and the opposition of the Muslim League led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who were demanding a separate Muslim state of Pakistan. After failed bids to form coalitions, Nehru reluctantly supported the partition of India as per a plan released by the British on June 3, 1947. He would take office as the Prime Minister of India on August 15, and delivered his inaugural address titled “A Tryst With Destiny:”

“Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity.”[7]

However, this period was marked with intense communal violence. This violence swept across the Punjab region, Delhi, Bengal and other parts of India. Nehru conducted joint tours[citation needed] with Pakistani leaders to encourage peace and calm angry and disillusioned refugees. Nehru would work with Maulana Azad and other Muslim leaders to safeguard and encourage Muslims to remain in India. The violence of the time deeply affected Nehru, who called for a ceasefire[citation needed] and UN intervention to stop the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947. Fearing communal reprisals, Nehru also hesitated in supporting the annexation of Hyderabad State, and clashed with Patel on the Kashmir dispute and relations with Pakistan. Nehru asserted his own control over Kashmir policy while Patel objected to Nehru sidelining his Home Ministry’s officials.[8] Nehru felt offended by Patel’s decision-making regarding the states’ integration without consulting either him or the Cabinet. Patel asked Gandhi to relieve him of his obligation to serve. He knew that he lacked Nehru’s youth and popularity, and believed that an open political battle would hurt India. After much personal deliberation and contrary to Patel’s prediction, Gandhi on January 30, 1948 told Patel not to leave the Government, and to stay by Nehru’s side in joint leadership. A free India, according to Gandhi, desperately needed both Patel and Nehru’s joint leadership.[9]
Nehru climbs atop the gate at Birla House to announce the death of Gandhi to the crowd outside. This photograph by Henri Cartier-Bresson is one of the most famous images of the 1940s.Gandhi was assassinated on January 30, 1948. At Gandhi’s wake, Nehru and Patel embraced each other and addressed the nation together. Despite working together, the two leaders would clash on various issues. Nehru declined Patel’s counsel on sending assistance to Tibet in 1950 with the disputed entrance of the People’s Republic of China and ejecting the Portuguese from Goa by military force.[10]

When Nehru pressured Dr. Rajendra Prasad to decline a nomination to become the first President of India in 1950 in favour of Rajagopalachari, he thus angered the party, which felt Nehru was attempting to impose his will. Nehru sought Patel’s help in winning the party over, but Patel declined, and Prasad was duly elected. When Nehru opposed the 1950 Congress presidential candidacy of Purushottam Das Tandon, a conservative Hindu leader, he endorsed Jivatram Kripalani and threatened to resign if Tandon was elected. Patel rejected Nehru’s views and endorsed Tandon in Gujarat, in a disputed election where Kripalani received not one vote despite hailing from that state himself.[11]

In the years following independence, Nehru frequently turned to his daughter Indira to look after him and manage his personal affairs. Following Patel’s death in 1950, Nehru became the most popular and powerful Indian politician. Under his leadership, the Congress won an overwhelming majority in the elections of 1952, in which his son-in-law Feroze Gandhi was also elected. Indira moved into Nehru’s official residence to attend to him, inadvertently estranging her husband, who would become a critic of Nehru’s government. Nevertheless, Indira would virtually become Nehru’s chief of staff and constant companion in his travels across India and the world.
Economic policies
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Nehru’s study in Teen Murti Bhavan.Nehru presided over the introduction of a modified, “Indian” version of state planning and control over the economy. Creating the Planning commission of India, Nehru drew up the first Five-Year Plan in 1951, which charted the government’s investments in industries and agriculture. Increasing business and income taxes, Nehru envisaged a mixed economy in which the government would manage strategic industries such as mining, electricity and heavy industries, serving public interest and a check to private enterprise. Nehru pursued land redistribution and launched programmes to build irrigation canals, dams and spread the use of fertilizers to increase agricultural production. He also pioneered a series of community development programs aimed at spreading diverse cottage industries and increasing efficiency into rural India. While encouraging the construction of large dams, irrigation works and the generation of hydroelectricity, Nehru also launched India’s programme to harness nuclear energy.

For most of Nehru’s term as prime minister, India would continue to face serious food shortages despite progress and increases in agricultural production. Nehru’s industrial policies encouraged the growth of diverse manufacturing and heavy industries, yet state planning, controls and regulations began to impair productivity, quality and profitability. Although the Indian economy enjoyed a steady rate of growth, chronic unemployment amidst entrenched poverty continued to plague the population. Nehru’s popularity remained unaffected, and his government succeeded in extending water and electricity supply, health care, roads and infrastructure to a large degree for India’s vast rural population.
[edit] Education and social reform
Jawaharlal Nehru was a passionate advocate of education for India’s children and youth, believing it essential for India’s future progress. His government oversaw the establishment of many institutions of higher learning, including the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, the Indian Institutes of Technology and the Indian Institutes of Management. Nehru also outlined a commitment in his five-year plans to guarantee free and compulsory primary education to all of India’s children. For this purpose, Nehru oversaw the creation of mass village enrollment programmes and the construction of thousands of schools. Nehru also launched initiatives such as the provision of free milk and meals to children in order to fight malnutrition. Adult education centres, vocational and technical schools were also organised for adults, especially in the rural areas.
Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Ghana Premier Kwame Nkrumah enjoying a laugh at Nehru’s suite in the Hotel Carlyle, New York City.Under Nehru, the Indian Parliament enacted many changes to Hindu law to criminalize caste discrimination and increase the legal rights and social freedoms of women. A system of reservations in government services and educational institutions was created to eradicate the social inequalities and disadvantages faced by peoples of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Nehru also championed secularism and religious harmony, increasing the representation of minorities in government.
The founding leaders of the Non-Aligned states meet in New York in October 1960. From left: Nehru, representing India; Nkrumah, Ghana; Nasser, Egypt; Sukarno, Indonesia; and Tito, Yugoslavia.
[edit] National security and foreign policy
See also: Role of India in Non-Aligned Movement
 
Jawaharlal Nehru talks to Pakistan prime minister Muhammad Ali Bogra during his 1953 visit to Karachi.Although having promised in 1948 to hold a plebiscite in Kashmir under the auspices of the U.N., Nehru grew increasingly wary of the U.N. and declined to hold a plebiscite in 1953. He ordered the arrest of the Kashmiri politician Sheikh Abdullah, whom he had previously supported but now suspected of harbouring separatist ambitions; Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad replaced him. On the international scene, Nehru was a champion of pacifism and a strong supporter of the United Nations. He pioneered the policy of non-alignment and co-founded the Non-Aligned Movement of nations professing neutrality between the rival blocs of nations led by the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. Recognising the People’s Republic of China soon after its founding (while most of the Western bloc continued relations with the Republic of China), Nehru sought to establish warm and friendly relations with it despite the invasion of Tibet in 1950, and hoped to act as an intermediary to bridge the gulf and tensions between the communist states and the Western bloc. This policy of pacifism and appeasement with respect to China soon came unraveled when China annexed Aksai Chin, the region of Kashmir adjoining Tibet in 1962 that led to the Sino-Indian war.

Jawaharlal Nehru declined a United States offer for India to occupy a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council around 1953. Nehru instead suggested that the seat be given to China.[12]

In an interview given to the BBC in 1998, George Fernandes, the then defence minister of India, revealed that the Coco Islands were part of India until they were donated to Burma by Nehru. Coco Islands are a pair of strategically important islands located across the 20 km Coco channel from the Indian North Andaman Island and about 300 km south of the Burmese mainland. The Burmese military junta leased the islands to the People’s Republic of China in 1994, which promptly setup a signal intelligence gathering station and maritime army base on the islands to monitor Indian naval activity and project power in the Strait of Malacca region of the Bay of Bengal, one of the most sensitive shipping routes in the world.[13]

Nehru was hailed by many[citation needed] for working to defuse global tensions and the threat of nuclear weapons[citation needed]. In 1956 he had criticised the joint invasion of the Suez Canal by the British, French and Israelis. Suspicion and distrust cooled relations between India and the U.S., which suspected Nehru of tactily supporting the Soviet Union. Accepting the arbitration of the UK and World Bank, Nehru signed the Indus Water Treaty in 1960 with Pakistani ruler Ayub Khan to resolve long-standing disputes about sharing the resources of the major rivers of the Punjab region.
Final years
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Public viewing of Nehru’s body, which lies in state.Mr. Nehru had led the Congress to a major victory in the 1957 elections, but his government was facing rising problems and criticism. Disillusioned by intra-party corruption and bickering, Nehru contemplated resigning but continued to serve. The election of his daughter Indira as Congress President in 1959 aroused criticism for alleged nepotism. Although the Pancha Sila (Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence) was the basis of the 1954 Sino-Indian treaty over Tibet, in later years, Nehru’s foreign policy suffered through increasing Chinese antagonism over border disputes and Nehru’s decision to grant asylum to the Dalai Lama. After years of failed negotiations, Nehru authorized the Indian Army to annex Goa from Portugal in 1961.See liberation of Goa. While increasing his popularity, Nehru received criticism for opting for military action.

In the 1962 elections, Nehru led the Congress to victory yet with a diminished majority. Opposition parties ranging from the right-wing Bharatiya Jana Sangh and Swatantra Party, socialists and the Communist Party of India performed well.

In a matter of months, the border disputes with China turned into open conflict. Nehru assumed that as former victims of imperialism (India being a colony itself) they shared a sense of solidarity, as expressed in the phrase “Hindi-Chini bhai bhai” (Indians and Chinese are brothers). He was dedicated to the ideals of brotherhood and solidarity among developing nations. Nehru, naively, did not believe that one fellow Socialist country would attack another; and in any event, he felt secure behind the impregnable wall of ice that is the Himalayas. Both proved to be severe miscalculations of China’s intentions and military capabilities. Following reports of his intention to confront Chinese occupation of the disputed areas - summarised in a memorable statement that he had asked the Army to “throw them (Chinese) out” - China launched a pre-emptive attack.[14]

In a matter of months, a Chinese invasion of northeastern India exposed the weaknesses of India’s military as Chinese forces came as far as Assam. Widely criticised for his government’s insufficient attention to defence, Nehru was forced to sack the defence minister Krishna Menon and accept U.S. military aid. Nehru’s health began declining steadily, and he was forced to spend months recuperating in Kashmir through 1963. Upon his return from Kashmir in May 1964, Nehru suffered a stroke and later a heart attack. He died in the early hours of May 27, 1964. Nehru was cremated in accordance with Hindu rites at the Shantivana on the banks of the Yamuna River, witnessed by hundreds of thousands of mourners who had flocked into the streets of Delhi and the cremation grounds.
Legacy
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Nehru’s statue in Aldwych, London.As India’s first Prime minister and external affairs minister, Jawaharlal Nehru played a major role in shaping modern India’s government and political culture along with sound foreign policy. He is praised for creating a system providing universal primary education, reaching children in the farthest corners of rural India. Nehru’s education policy is also credited for the development of world-class educational institutions such as the All India Institute of Medical Sciences [15], Indian Institutes of Technology,[16] the National Institutes of Technology and the Indian Institutes of Management.

Nehru is credited for establishing a widespread system of affirmative action to provide equal opportunities and rights for India’s ethnic groups, minorities, women, scheduled castes and scheduled tribes[17][18]. Nehru’s passion for egalitarianism meant that he put the state to work to try and end widespread practices of discrimination against women and depressed classes[19], though with limited success in his lifetime.
Commemoration
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Jawaharlal Nehru on a 1989 USSR commemorative stamp.
Nehru Centre in Mumbai.In his lifetime, Jawaharlal Nehru enjoyed an iconic status in India and was widely admired across the world for his idealism and statesmanship. His birthday, November 14, is celebrated in India as Children’s Day in recognition of his lifelong passion and work for the welfare, education and development of children and young people. Children across India are taught to remember him as Chacha Nehru (Uncle Nehru). Nehru remains a popular symbol of the Congress party which frequently celebrates his memory. Congress leaders and activists often emulate his style of clothing, especially the Gandhi cap, and his mannerisms. Nehru’s ideals and policies continue to shape the Congress party’s manifesto and core political philosophy. An emotional attachment to his legacy was instrumental in the rise of his daughter Indira to leadership of the Congress party and the national government.

Many documentaries about Nehru’s life have been produced. He has also been portrayed in fictionalised films. The canonical performance is probably that of Roshan Seth, who played him in Richard Attenborough’s 1982 film Gandhi and again in Shyam Benegal’s Bharat Ek Khoj, based on Nehru’s own work. In Ketan Mehta’s film Sardar, Nehru was portrayed by Benjamin Gilani. Nehru’s personal preference for the sherwani ensured that it continues to be considered formal wear in North India today; aside from lending his name to a kind of cap, the Nehru jacket is named in his honour due to his preference for that style.

Numerous public institutions and memorials across India are dedicated to Nehru’s memory. The Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi is among the most prestigious universities in India. The Jawaharlal Nehru Port near the city of Mumbai is a modern port and dock designed to handle a huge cargo and traffic load. Nehru’s residence in Delhi is preserved as the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. The Nehru family homes at Anand Bhavan and Swaraj Bhavan are also preserved to commemorate Nehru and his family’s legacy. In 1951, he was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize by the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC).

Lakshmibai, The Rani of Jhansi (c. 1828 – 17 June 1858) The queen of the Maratha-ruled princely state of Jhansi in North India, was one of the leading figures of the Indian rebellion of 1857, and a symbol of resistance to British rule in India.

Early life
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Originally named Manikarnikka at birth, she was born to a Maharashtrian Karhade Brahmin family sometime around 1828 in the Hindu city of Varanasi. An alternate date of 19 November 1835 was asserted by D. B. Parasnis in his biography of the Rani. However, no other credible historian agrees with this date and all the evidence points to 1828. The simplest and most direct evidence comes via John Lang. In his account of his meeting with the Rani in 1854 he mentions that her vakil said she was a woman of about 26 years.

Her father Moropant Tambey was a Karhade Brahmin and her mother Bhagirathibai was a cultured, intelligent and religious woman. Born Manikarnika, she was affectionately called Manu in her family. Manu lost her mother at the age of four, and responsibility of looking after the young girl fell to her father.

Manu was raised in the court of Baji Rao II, the last of the Maratha peshwas, where her father was an advisor to the Peshwa’s brother, Chimnaji Appa. At the Peshwa’s court, Manu’s father educated her to be a queen, and the young girl underwent extensive and thorough martial training, including riding, fencing and shooting, when she was still a child.
Marriage
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Moropant Tambey traveled to the court of Raja Gangadhar Rao Niwalkar, the Maharaja of Jhansi, when Manu was fourteen years old. Manu was to be married to Gangadhar Rao.

She married Raja Gangadhar Rao Niwalkar,in 1842, and became the Maharani of Jhansi. As is customary with Indian royalty, she was given a different name after her marriage, and was henceforth known as Lakshmibai. The ceremony of the marriage was performed at the Ganesh Mandir, at a cost of forty thousand rupees. Lakshmibai gave birth to a son in 1851, but this child died when he was about four months old.

In 1853 Gangadhar Rao fell very ill and he was persuaded to adopt a child. He relented only a day before his death, and adopted a distant relative, a boy named Damodar Rao. To ensure that the British would not be able to contest the adoption, the Rani had it witnessed by the local British representatives. Maharaja Gangadhar Rao died the following day, 21 November 1853.

Annexation
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At that time, Lord Dalhousie was the Governor General of British India. Though little Damodar Rao, adopted son of late Maharaja Gangadhar Rao and Rani Lakshmi Bai, was Maharaja’s heir and successor under Hindu tradition, the British rulers rejected Rani’s claim that Damodar Rao was their legal heir. Lord Dalhousie decided to annex the state of Jhansi under the Doctrine of Lapse.

The Rani then did the unprecedented: she sought the advice of a British lawyer and an officer of East India Company, Robert Ellis, and appealed her case in London. Although these petitions were well-argued, they were ultimately rejected. The British Indian authorities clearly sought to punish Rani for her presumptuous behavior. They confiscated the state jewels and deducted her husband’s debts from her annual pension of Rs. 60,000. She was required to leave Jhansi fort for the Rani Mahal in Jhansi town, as well. But Rani Lakshmibai was determined to defend Jhansi. She proclaimed her decision with the famous words :Mi mahji Jhansi nahi dehnar (I will not give up my Jhansi). Throughout her life, she wanted to secure Jhansi from British annexation and went to the extent of establishing links with various revolutionaries around India. In one of her meetings with Tantia Tope, she even mentioned that Jhansi will set an example of free India.
The War of 1857
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The Ranee of Jhansi, an illustration from Chambers’s History of the Revolt in India. London, 1859.
Portrait of Lakshmibai, the Ranee of Jhansi, (circa 1850’s).Jhansi became a center of the rebellion upon the outbreak of violence in 1857. Rani Lakshmibai started strengthening the defense of Jhansi and assembled a volunteer army. Women were recruited as well as men and given military training. The rani was accompanied by her generals. Many from the local population volunteered for service in the army ranks, with the popular support for her cause on the rise.

In September and October of 1857, the Rani led the successful defense of Jhansi from the invading armies of the neighboring rajas of Datia and Orchha.

In January of 1858, the British Army started its advance on Jhansi, and in March laid siege to the city. After two weeks of fighting,the British captured the city, but the rani escaped in the guise of a man, strapping her adopted son Damodar Rao closely on her back. She fled to Kalpi where she joined Tatya Tope.
Death
——
The Rani met her death on 17 June, during the battle for Gwalior. There is dispute about the exact circumstances of her death. According to contemporary British reports she was mortally wounded by a stray bullet and committed sati. A letter written by T.A. Martin states that,

refusing the assistance of Tantia Topee who offered to take her off, she ordered a ladder to be planted against a hayrick which was close by, ascended it unassisted, and ordered her people to set fire to it, which was done. This happened in Goosain’s Bagh near Phoolbagh. I went and saw the spot.[1]

The British captured Gwalior three days later. In his report of the battle for Gwalior, General Rose commented that the Rani had been “the bravest and the best” of the rebels. Because of her unprecedented bravery, courage and wisdom and her progressive views on women’s empowerment in 19th century India, and due to her sacrifices, she became an icon of Indian nationalist movement.

Shivaji Bhosle, also known as Chhatrapati Shivaji Raje Bhosle (Marathi) (Born:February 19, 1627, Died: April 3, 1680) was the founder of Maratha empire in western India in 1674.

He is considered a great hero in India, particularly in the present-day state of Maharashtra. Using guerrilla tactics well-suited to the rugged mountains and valleys of the region, he annexed a portion of the then dominant Mughal empire and the Sultanate of Bijapur.

It was during the unsettled period that Shivaji was born. His birth was in independent country, as proclaimed by his father, Shahaji. Perhaps, that was the main contributing reason for his life long desire for independence.

Foundation of the Empire
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Given these circumstances, Shahaji appointed the young Shivaji under the care of his mother Jijabai to manage the Pune holdings. A small council of ministers was appointed to assist Shivaji in the administration which included Shamrao Nilkanth as Peshwa (Prime Minister), Balkrishna Pant as Muzumdar, Raghunath Ballal as Sabnis, Sonopant as Dabir and Dadoji Konddeo as teacher. Apart from these ministers, military commanders Kanhoji Jedhe and Baji Pasalkar were appointed to train and educate Shivaji. Assuming administrative responsibility in 1644, Shahaji had Lal Mahal built in Pune.

A royal seal was handed to Shivaji which reads in Sanskrit:

“This is the royal seal of Shivaji, son of Shahaji. This royal seal is for the welfare of people. This seal (the rule of the seal) will grow like the new moon grows.”
Thus Shivaji started his career as an independent young prince of a small kingdom on a mission. Shivaji used the title of Raja (king) only after Shahaji’s death.

His mother made an indelible impression on him with her teachings, with her love of the homeland and its people. Shivaji learned much from his father’s failed attempts at political independence: his exceptional military capabilities and achievements, his knowledge of Sanskrit, Hindu ethos, patronage of the arts, his war strategies and peacetime diplomacy. He was inspired and informed by his family’s vision of independence and freedom.

Furthermore, his mother, having lost her father and three brothers to a treacherous plot hatched by the local Nizamshah, was opposed to those who she considered alien rulers, due to their derision and callousness toward the local population. Jijabai thus instilled in Shivaji a natural love for self-determination and an aversion to external political domination.

Her piety and commitment to indigenous culture and her recounting of tales from the great Indian epics of Mahabharata and Ramayana molded Shivaji’s character and helped him to be peerless (as confirmed by even otherwise inimical chroniclers, Khafi Khan especially) in his tolerant attitude towards other religions as well as in his fair and kind treatment of women and non-combatants.

Shahaji’s vision, Jijabai’s and Dadoji Konddeo’s teachings and motivation, and the able training by military commanders such as Gomaji Naik and Baji Pasalkar were the main influences which groomed Shivaji into a brave and fearless military leader as well as a responsible administrator. Young Shivaji, energetic and enthusiastic as he was, wasted no time in setting off on a path of freedom and glory.

Confrontation with the Sultans
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At the age of 17 Shivaji carried out his first military action by attacking and capturing Torna fort of the Bijapur kingdom, in 1645. By 1647 he had captured Kondana and Rajgad forts and had complete control of the Pune region.

By 1654 Shivaji had captured forts in the Western Ghats and along the Konkan coast. In a bid to sabotage this move of the Marathas under Shivaji’s able leadership, Adilshah had his father - Shahaji arrested by deceitful means, and he sent one army against Sambhaji, Shivaji’s elder brother at Bangalore (with Farradkhan at its head) and another against Shivaji at Purandhar (with Fattekhan at its head). However both Bhonsle brothers defeated the invading armies securing the release of their father. Afzal Khan was then sent to destroy Shivaji, in an effort to put down what was seen by Bijapur as a regional revolt.

Battle of Pratapgarh/ Pratapgad
Afzal Khan, after leaving Bijapur to confront Shivaji, first desecrated the temples of goddess Bhavani in Tuljapur and Pandharpur. The intent was to get Shivaji out in the open to face him in a pitched battle. Instead, Shivaji sent a letter saying he was not eager to face Afzal Khan and sought some type of understanding. Shivaji decided to confront Afzal Khan under the guise of diplomatic negotiations. A meeting was arranged between Afzal Khan and Shivaji at the foothills of Fort Pratapgad. Afzal Khan was described as a person of large physical stature leading a battle hardened veteran army, considered this assignment as a small matter of stamping out a pesky regional chieftain. He calculated that by killing Shivaji, he would be rid of the Maratha challenge to his king.

Wagh nakh (Tiger Claw)Shivaji, acutely aware of the danger facing him, prepared carefully and diligently for this encounter; he secretly armed himself with sharp metal razor weapon called wagh nakh (tiger claw), and chilkhat (armour) prior to the meeting. Afzal Khan embraced him before the commencement of supposed negotiations and then surreptitiously proceeded to stab him with a khanjar (Middle-eastern dagger) hidden in his clothes. Shivaji survived the attack unscathed, protected by body armour he wore under his clothes. In response, Shivaji counter-attacked Afzal Khan with the wagh nakh and bich’hwa, spilling his blood and entrails on the ground.

Thereupon, Afzal Khan’s Hindu deputy, Krishnaji Bhaskar Kulkarni and his bodyguard Sayyed Banda attacked Shivaji with swords but Jiva Mahala, Shivaji’s personal bodyguard fatally struck them down with a single stroke of ‘dandpatta’ (medieval weapon). Meanwhile a stunned and wounded Afzal Khan managed to stumble out of the tent to get help but was immediately slain by Shivaji’s associate Sambhaji Kavji, before he could get help or raise an alarm.

In the ensuing battle of Pratapgarh in the dense forests, which was fought on November 30, 1659, Shivaji’s armies set upon Bijapur’s forces and engaged them in swift flanking maneuvers.

After slaying Afzal Khan, Shivaji sped up the slope towards the fortress with his lieutenants and ordered cannons to be fired. This was a signal to his infantry, which had been strategically placed in the densely covered valley, to immediately attack the Adilshahi forces.

Maratha troops under Kanhoji Jedhe swept down on the 1,500 Adilshahi muskeeters and routed them at the foothills of the fort. Then in a rapid march, a section of Adilshahi forces commanded by Musekhan was attacked. Musekhan was wounded in the early part of the battle and subsequently fled the field, leaving his soldiers to fend for themselves in the face of a swift and ferocious Maratha attack.

Meanwhile, Shivaji’s commander Moropant led the infantry toward the left flank of the Adilshahi troops. Adilshah’s artillery was made ineffective by his sudden attack at close quarters . Shivaji’s other commander Ragho Atre promptly attacked the large Adilshahi cavalry before they were able to be fully prepared for battle and succeeded in completely routing them in short order.

The Maratha cavalry under Netaji Palkar galloped at full speed towards the nearby village Wai, in hot pursuit of retreating Adilshahi forces, who were attempting to join the part of their forces stationed there. The retreating forces of Afzal Khan were engaged in battle before they could regroup or join their comrades in Wai, and were utterly defeated.

This great and complete victory made Shivaji a hero of Maratha folklore and a legendary figure among his people.

All contemporary powers of the Indian subcontinent were shocked with the unambiguous outcome of this decisive battle. Immediately after the battle, Shivaji in the brilliant and lightning moves of cavalry conquered the area between Pune right up to the Panhala fort (near Kolhapur), stretching over 200 km.

The Follow-up Attack
Subsequently, a shaken Sultaan of Bijapur sent an imposing and elite Pashtun army to subdue and defeat Shivaji before he could gather more strength and substantially expand his army. In the resulting war of Panhalgadh, Bijapur’s Pashtun (Afghan) army was out flanked, out fought and decimated by the fleet footed and veteran Maratha troops, who killed thousands of Pashtuns. The battle lasted for several hours and was very bloody and in the end Bijapuri forces unconditionally surrended to Shivaji.

This surprising and improbably crushing defeat of the elite Muslim force in the Deccan raised the hopes and confidence of the Hindus across India and helped to coalesce the emerging Maratha nation as a united force under Shivaji’s able leadership.

The confidence of the Marathas was now on the rise and an inspired Shivaji began to consolidate and expand his kingdom by pushing the boundaries of Mughal and Sultanate Kingdoms out of his homeland, Maharashtra. This in turn made him a high level threat to the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, who now identified Shivaji the Maratha as a major enemy of the Mughal Empire.

Battle of Kolhapur
To counter the loss at Pratapgad and to defeat the nascent Maratha power, another army, this time numbering over 10,000, was sent against Shivaji, commanded by renowned Bijapuri general Rustemjaman. With cavalry of 5000 Marathas, Shivaji attacked them near Kolhapur on 28 December 1659. In a swift movement, Shivaji led a full frontal attack at the center of the enemy forces while other two portions of his cavalry attacked the flanks. The hand-to-hand combat was ferocious, the action was interspersed with the Maratha war cry “Har Har Mahadev” (hail to Lord Shiva), with “Allahu Akbhar” (God is great) the Muslim war cry. In a bloody pitched battle, the Bijapuri forces folded under the ferocious Maratha onslaught and in the ensuing panic, Rustemjaman fled the battlefield.

Shivaji’s Mavale/Maratha soldiers clearly demonstrated their courage and martial tendency by fearlessly attacking in a pitched battle the combined and formidable Bijapur army made up of elite forces of Arab, Abyssinian, Persian and Afghan mercenaries. This news made the mighty Mughal empire more alarmed at the successes of the upstart Maratha Shivaji, who was now derisively called “Mountain Rat” by the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb. He was now actively preparing to bring the full might and resources of the Mughal Empire to bear down on the potential Maratha threat, as he was not one to tolerate any potential challenge to his rule.

Battle of Pavan Khind

In the battle of Panhala Raja, Shivaji escaped through this passIn 1660, Adil Shah sent Siddi Johar - an Abyssinian general of great repute. He was eager to put down Shivaji once again, and this time he committed all the manpower and resources available to him in his kingdom to this end. He ordered his large and imposing army north to Kolhapur, Maharashtra to confront and defeat Shivaji once and for all.

At that time Shivaji was camped at the fort Panhala with a small part of his army, near present day Kolhapur, on the borders of his dominion. Siddi Johar’s very large and intimidating army camped near Panhala, cutting off supply routes to the fort. Shivaji, in a bold move, decided to escape to a nearby fort Vishaalgad, where he could regroup his soldiers to fight a decisive battle.

Shivaji sent misleading messages to Siddi Johar indicating that he was willing to negotiate and was looking for accommodation, understanding and mercy. With this news Adilshahi soldiers relaxed somewhat, and Shivaji escaped under the cover of a very stormy night. Johar’s soldiers captured a small group of the Marathas apparently including Shivaji, only to realize he was a look-alike dressed like Shivaji, sent out to create a diversion and facilitate the real king’s escape. It did not take much time for Siddi Johar’s soldiers to realize that the imposter was Shivaji’s barber and that Shivaji and his army were headed to Vishaalgad.

A large enemy cavalry, in hot pursuit of Shivaji’s infantry and foot soldiers would probably have overtaken and captured him. Sensing that enemy cavalry was fast closing in on them Shivaji sought to avoid defeat and capture. And indeed, this very likely eventuality was avoided by Shivaji in a last minute rear-guard defensive move. Baji Prabhu Deshpande, a brave Sardar along with 300 Maratha soldiers, volunteered to fight to the death to hold back the enemy at Ghod Khind to give Shivaji and the rest of the army a chance to reach the safety of Vishaal Gad.

In the ensuing battle of Pavan Khind, Baji Prabhu Deshpande fought relentlessly, at times with scimitars curved swords in both hands. He was almost fatally injured but he held on for precious minutes and only succumbed to his injuries after hearing cannon fire from Vishaal Gad, signalling Shivaji had reached safety of the fort.

Ghod Khind was covered with blood of 300 Marathas who willingly gave up their lives and fought to the last man for the cause of freedom, along with that of 1286 of Adilshah’s brave and elite troops. Baji Prabhu Deshpande and his men’s bravery, sacrifice and heroic stand at Pavan Khind is a very popular story in the annals of the great and illustrious Maratha history. And has been recited as a folk lore in Maharashtra in many inspiring renditions.

Thereafter a truce was made between Shivaji and Adilshahi through Shahaji, acknowledging and formally recognizing the independence of Shivaji’s Kingdom. Also, as the terms of peace, the fort at Panhala was awarded to Siddi Johar.

This remained the situation until the death of Shahaji. Henceforth the Marathas became a formal and recognized power in the Deccan. Ghod Khind (khind = “narrow pass in mountainous terrain”) was renamed Pavan Khind (Sacred Pass) in honor of Bajiprabhu Deshpande and the soldiers who selflessly fought and died to save their king and country. A small memorial stands even today in the pass in recognition of the heroism of Bajiprabhu and his courageous men.

This battle was one of the last serious challenges to Shivaji from the regional sultanates, from now on the attention of the mighty Mughal empire would be firmly focused on danger posed by the emerging Maratha nation under the able leadership of Shivaji and his potential challenge to their supremacy in the Indian sub-continent.

Clash with the Mughals
In 1660, the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb sent Shaista Khan, his maternal uncle with a large army to defeat Shivaji in the Deccan. Within three years in 1663, Shivaji had lost most of his conquests to a relentless attack by a well-trained, well supplied and vastly larger Mughal army.

Shaista Khan, seized Pune and the nearby fort of Chakan. His vast and professional army numbering over 100,000 was more than a match for Shivaji’s troops and he was an experienced commander who had defeated Shahaji (Shivaji’s father) in the same region in 1636. Although he held Pune for almost a year, he had little further success. He had set up his residence at Lal Mahal, Shivaji’s palace, in the city of Pune.

Shaista Khan kept the security in Pune very tight. Shivaji planned a daring attack on Shaista Khan amidst tight security. In April 1663, a wedding party had obtained special permission for a procession; Shivaji planned an attack using the wedding party as cover. The Marathas disguised themselves as the bridegroom’s procession and entered Pune. Shivaji, having spent much of his youth in Pune, knew his way around the city and his own palace of Lal Mahal.

After overpowering and slaying the palace guards, the Marathas broke into the mansion by breaking through a wall. Shivaji confronted Shaista Khan and with a slash of his sword he severed three of Shaista Khan’s fingers as he fled through an open window. The Khan narrowly escaped death and was taken to a safe place by his servant maids. Shaista Khan lost his son, many of his guards, and soldiers in the raid.

Within twenty-four hours of this daring attack, Amir-ul-Umra, Shaista Khan left Pune and headed North towards Agra. An angered Aurangzeb transferred him to distant Bengal as a punishment for bringing embarrassment to the Mughals with his very personal and ignoble defeat in Pune.[2]

Surat and Mirza Raja Jai Singh
In 1664 Shivaji invaded Surat, an important Mughal trading city, and looted it to replenish his now depleted treasury and also as a revenge for the capture and looting of Maratha territory by Shaista Khan.

Shivaji acquired immense wealth from Surat, which was then one of the largest and an important trading centers in the Mughal Empire. The money was sorely needed for expanding and strengthening of his army, upgrading of equipment, and safeguarding of captured territories. Following the raid on Surat, Gujarat, Shivaji continued to capture forts belonging to both Mughals and Bijapur and to expand his dominions.

Aurangzeb was enraged and sent a renowned Rajput General, Mirza Raja Jai Singh I, a Hindu Raja, to defeat Shivaji with another imposing and huge army. The Mughal force proved to be unstoppable in the early battles and Shivaji decided to come to terms with Aurganzeb. In the treaty of Purander, signed between Shivaji and Jai Singh, Shivaji agreed to give up all of his 23 forts and 400,000 rupees to the Mughals. He also agreed to become a Mughal Sardar and serve the Mughal court of Aurangzeb. Shivaji’s clandestine intentions in becoming a Mughal Sardar were to defeat his enemies, the Bijapur and Golconda Kingdoms using Aurangzeb’s army and then to take on the mighty Mughals.

Trip To Agra and Escape
In 1666, Aurangzeb summoned Shivaji to Agra, along with his six year old son Sambhaji, on the occasion of his fiftieth birthday. In the court, on 12 May 1666, Aurangzeb made Shivaji stand behind mansabdars (Commanders) of his court. Offended by this petty gesture, Shivaji stormed out of court and was promptly placed under house arrest, under the watch of Fulad Khan, Kotwal of Agra.

From his spies, Shivaji learned that Aurangzeb planned to shift him to Raja Vitthaldas’s Haveli and then to kill him. As a result Shivaji planned his escape. He feigned almost fatal sickness and requested to send most of his contingent back to Deccan. Thereafter, on his request, he was allowed to send sweets and gifts to saints, fakirs, and temples in Agra as offerings for getting well.

After several months of sending out boxes containing sweets, Shivaji disguised himself as a palanquin bearer and managed to escape without being recognized. Sambhaji, his six year old son had been smuggled out a couple of days earlier. Shivaji and his son fled to the Deccan (Southern region) to the safety of their homeland, disguised as sadhus. Some accounts claim that after the escape, rumours of Shivaji’s death were intentionally spread in order to deceive the Mughals. Some accounts claim that Shivaji and Sambhaji both hid in the sweet boxes to escape.

Preparing for War
In the years 1667-69, Shivaji adopted a low profile and began to aggressively build up his army. The Mughals had the impression that he was now a spent force and would not cause them any more trouble. However, Shivaji was on a war-footing, directing efforts for an all out war by increasing the size of his army, acquiring arms, horses, armour and other war materials. Then in January 1670 Shivaji launched a major, concerted and multi-pronged assault on Mughal garrisons in Maharashtra.

The force of Shivaji’s attacks was overwhelming and within six months he had regained most of his old territory and more. His army was much larger now: about 40,000 cavalry, backed by 60,000 infantry, a strong navy and a potent artillery. From 1670 to 1674 Shivaji continued to actively and aggressively expand his territory at the expense of the Mughals who were now facing major pressures on their treasuries as their war related expenses outstripped the incoming tax revenues.

Shivaji rapidly expanded his kingdom to include major portions of Maharashtra and far in to the south including Karnataka and Tamilnadu.

Battle of Sinhagad
Bust of Tanaji on top of Sinhagad Fort, PuneOne fort on the outskirts of Pune, Kondana, was still under Mughal control. Uday Bhan Rathod, a brave Rajput was the fort keeper. He led an army of about 1500 Rajputs and Mughals for the protection of the fort. Uday Bhan had maintained strict vigil around the fort. On February 4, 1670 Shivaji deputed one of his most senior and trusted generals, Tanaji Malusare, to head a mission to capture Kondana.

Tanaji Malusare surveyed the fort and its defenses very meticulously for some days. The fort was extremely well guarded. One very sheer cliff caught Tanaji’s eye. This side was least guarded as one could not possibly imagine climbing the fort from this steep side. Tanaji decided to scale this cliff to enter the fort. He used a monitor lizard named “Yeshwanti” with a rope tied around its body for climbing this cliff on a moonless night. Perhaps this was the first time in the history of wars where a lizard was used to climb a fort.

The Common Indian Monitor (Varanus bengalensis) found locally in present day Maharashtra is the species of Monitor Lizard is also known as ghorpad in Marathi. These Monitor lizards are famous for their ability to cling to smooth surfaces, and were traditionally trained for this purpose by herders in the area.

As the advance party reached the top, they threw ropes for others to climb. Meanwhile Tanaji’s brother Suryaji had moved close to the gates of the fort, namely Kalyan Darwaja, with another 300 Mavalas (Maratha Soldiers). The gates were soon opened and once inside, all his soldiers joined Tanaji in the surprise attack.

Tanaji and Uday Bhan came face to face and a fierce fight ensued. A solid blow from Uday Bhan broke Tanaji’s shield. He continued the fight until another fatal blow from Uday Bhan staggered Tanaji and a counter blow then killed Uday Bhan. Seeing their leader mortally wounded, the Maratha soldiers became tentative and started to back-up. Suryaji, then stepped in to rally them and to get them to be back on the offensive. His exhortations lifted the Maratha spirit. The Marathas now determinedly commenced their attack on the Mughal defenders with great courage and determination, and captured the fort.

This battle is quite popular in Marathi folklore and is retold as a reminder of the glory and sacrifice that was the Maratha war of Independence.

When Shivaji learned that he had lost his brave,loyal and trusted friend, he said “Gad ala, pun sinha geyla”, meaning We have won the fort, but lost the Lion. Thenceforth Kondana fort was formally named Sinhagad (the Lion fort) in honour of the great Tanaji Malusare.

Coronation
Shivaji was formally crowned Chhatrapati (”Chhatrapati= Chief, head or King of Kshatriyas”, representing the protection he bestowed on his people) on June 6, 1674 at the Raigad fort, and given the title Kshatriya Kulavantas Sinhasanadheeshwar Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. Pandit Gaga Bhatt, a renowned Brahmin from Varanasi, officially presided over the ceremony declaring that Shivaji’s ancestor’s were truly Kshatriyas.

He was bestowed with the Zaanva, in Hindi the Janeu (sacred thread), with the Vedas and was bathed in an abisheka. Shivaji had insisted on an Indrabhishek ritual, which had fallen into disuse since the 9th century. Henry Oxinden (later Acting President of the Bombay Presidency) from the British East India Company was present at the ceremony.

Thus Shivaji became a “shakkarta” (he started his own calendar). A few days later a second ceremony was carried out, this time according to the Bengal school of Tantricism and presided over by Nischal Puri.

Southern expedition (Dakshin digvijaya)
At the end of 1676, Shivaji launched a wave of conquests in southern India with a massive force of 50,000 (30,000 cavalry & 20,000 infantry). The first major alliance made by the monarch was with Abul Hasan, the Qutb Shahi Sultan of Golconda. They began a campaign against the Bijapur Karnataka, including the Shivaji’s own half-brother, Vyankoji Bhonsla. He defeated and captured the forts at Vellore and Gingee in modern-day Tamilnadu. These victories proved quite crucial during future wars. Jinjee served as Maratha capital for 9 years during 27 years of war.

Death and succession
Chhatrapati Shivaji died at 12 noon, 3rd April, in 1680 at Raigad, after running a fever for three weeks. The funeral ceremony was arranged in Raigad in presence of his son Rajaram, and Soyarabai. After Shivaji’s death, his elder son Sambhaji and Soyrabai , fought for control of the kingdom. After a brief struggle Sambhaji was crowned king. King Shivaji died due to contracting a disease Bloody Flux, Intestinal anthrox.

A few years after Shivaji’s death, Aurangzeb’s son, Prince Akbar, rebelled against his father and was sheltered by Sambhaji. Thereupon, Aurangzeb, his army, entourage and the royal court moved to the Deccan in 1681 to wage an all out war for the destruction of Maratha power. This was the beginning of the twenty seven year war, initially the Marathas were overwhelmed by the might and the great power of the Mughal empire. Under the overpowering and unrelenting Mughal assault the endangered Maratha capital was moved and evacuated from Raigad to Jinjee in the south. However, in the following months and years the tide of the war bagan to change. The Marathas adapted to the Mughal menace and fought Aurangzeb to a stalemate. And towards the end of the second decade the Marathas gathered more strength and began to turn the tide of the war. The Mughal forces were dealt several serious body blows by able Maratha generals like Santaji Ghorpade and Dhanaji Jadhav. They effectively employed lightning fast and highly mobile attacks, tactics initially developed and effectively used by Shivaji.

Eventually a broken, defeated Aurangzeb retreated in sickness from the Deccan in 1705. The final Mughal withdrawal came two years later. He had spent most of his remaining resources and manpower trying to defeat the Marathas and ended up significantly weakening the once mighty Mughal Empire. Aurangzeb’s heirs never again challenged the Marathas and finally were overtaken and utterly dominated by the Peshwa’s Maratha Sardars, namely Scindia and Holkar, within eighty years of Shivaji’s death.

This [[27 year war], was a tribute to Shivaji’s genius, in which even after his death, Maratha forces fought to honour his memory to expel Aurangzeb out of the Deccan to preserve the Maratha self-rule swarajya and expand upon Shivaji’s goals of independent Maharashtra and Hindustan.

Jadunath Sarkar, a noted Indian historian and a scholar, estimates that about 500,000 Mughal soldiers and 200,000 Marathas died during this decades long epic struggle for dominance.

Shivaji’s leadership and successes contributed significantly to stiffening up of Hindu assertiveness and resurgence in post Islamic India. He was the first of many great Indian leaders and the most successful in the fight for freedom, for Swaraj.

Ruins of the Raigad Fort, which served as a capital for Maratha Empire.
Shivaji was an able and competent administrator and established a government that included such modern concepts as cabinet (Ashtapradhan mandal), foreign affairs (Dabir) and internal intelligence.[3] Shivaji established an effective civil and military administration. He also built a powerful navy and erected new forts like Sindhudurg and strengthened old ones like Vijayadurg on the west coast. The Maratha navy held its own against the British, Portuguese and Dutch till Maratha internal conflict brought their downfall in 1756.

Shivaji is well known for his benevolent attitude towards his subjects. He believed that there was a close bond between the state and the citizens. He encouraged all socio-economic groups to participate in the ongoing political/military struggle. To this day he is remembered as a just and welfare-minded king. He brought revolutionary changes in military, fort architecture, society and politics.

Shivaji occupies a special place in the hearts of Marathi peoples and many others in India due in part to his, well documented, high moral code of conduct and his unrelenting drive toward the liberation of India from alien power of the Mughals and the Nizams. He laid the foundations of the modern Marathi identity and infused it with strong martial, moral and chivalric traditions. In his times he squarely and unflinchingly faced daunting challenges such as repeated invasions by huge Mughal and regional Sutanate armies, that would have defeated a lesser leader.

Shivaji successfully lead and marshalled his forces to cope and overcome several major enemy invasions of this territories. He was also relentless and inexorable in expanding his kingdoms boundaries. His success was driven by his fierce determination to establish a free and independent homeland (Vatan), and in this goal he was supported by the high level of loyalty, respect and commitment that he recieved from his followers and citizens.

In the earlier years of Shivaji’s leadership he commanded a small force of loyal followers, they had few resources and lacked sufficient military hardware and equipment. He overcame these initial shortcomings by extensive use of hit-and -run guerrilla type tactics, and he captured much equipment from his enemies and thus his strength and confidence grew with every success he achieved.

He was an innovator and an able commander, he successfully used effective tactics including hit-and-run, strategic expansion of territories and forts, formation of highly mobile light cavalry and infantry, adoptation of strategic battle plans and formations, whereby he succeeded in out-maneuvering, time and time again, his vastly bigger and determined enemies.

Toward the end of his reign he had built up the Maratha forces to be over one hundred thousand strong, and was able to effectively keep the embedded Mughal forces in check and on the run while expanding his kingdom southward to Gingee, Tamil Nadu.

Shivaji had successfully established a viable and growing kingdom that was stable and well defended. A large standing army and construction of several strategically placed forts served as a Hindu bulwark against aggressive Islamic powers. His brilliant strategic and tactical maneuvering on battlefields and his acute management and administrative skills helped him to lay the foundations of the future Maratha empire in India.

Character
During his long military career and his many campaigns his strong religious and warrior code of ethics, exemplary character and deep seated and uncompromising spiritual values directed him to offer protection to houses of worship, non-combatants, women and children. He always showed respect, defended and protected places of worship of all denominations and religions.

Shivaji was once offered as a war booty an extremely beautiful young lady, by an uninformed Maratha captain. She was the daughter-in-law of a defeated muslim Amir (local ruler) of Kalyan, Maharashtra. Shivaji was reported to have told the lady that her beauty was mesmerizing and that if his mother was as beautiful as her, he would have been beautiful as well. He told her to go back to her family in peace, unmolested and under his protection. His behaviour, was noted by those around him, to be always of the highest moral caliber. He clearly and unambiguously embodied the virtues and ideals of a true nobleman.

Throughout his long career he boldly risked his life, his treasure and his well being to openly challenge his immensely larger enemies to defend and uphold freedom and independence. Chhattrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s greatness was based not as much on his successes on or off the battlefields, or on the strength of his arms, or his clever strategies or his noble birth but was truly based on his selfless and courageously fierce actions he undertook on behalf of his Vatan (sacred homeland/nation).

He did not spend any resources on projects designed for self-aggrandizement or vanity, instead he was propeled by his sense of Dharma (sacred duty) to his people and country which lead him to directly challenge the dangerous, powerful and oppressive rule of the Nizams and the Mughals. He singularly and unceasingly focused all the Kingdom’s attention, energy and sacrifices toward the unwavering goal of freedom and independence.

As a result of Chhattrapati Shivaji’s selfless and dedicated service to his peoples and nation, his impeccable conduct, his unparalleled courage and daring, and his successes, he struck a deep chord with his followers and the citizenary. The high level of admiration and respect he earned from his followers and subjects sets him apart from most other Indian kings or chieftans in the recorded Indian history. Even today he is venerated in India and especially in the state of Maharashtra with awe and admiration and is viewed as a hero of epic proportions.

Revolution in military organisation
Shivaji’s genius is most evident in his military organisation which lasted till the demise of the Maratha empire. He was one of the pioneers of commando actions (though the term “commando” is modern).[4] Shivaji was responsible for a lot of changes in military organization. These include -

A standing army belonging to the state called paga;
Horses belonged to the state; no individual in his army was allowed to own horses;
Creation of part time soldiers from peasants who used to work for eight months in the field and supported four months in war. This light infantry was his innovation and they were the ones who excelled in commando like actions;
The introduction of an intelligence department, a navy, and regular chain-of-command;
Introduction of field craft viz. Guerrilla warfare, commando actions, flank attacks;
Innovation of weapons and innovative use of traditional weapons like tiger claw or ‘Baghnakh’. ‘Vita’ was a weapon invented by Shivaji;
Militarisation of almost the entire society, including all classes, with the entire population of settlements and villages near forts involved in their defense.

Shivaji’s Forts
Pratap GadShivaji constructed a chain of 300 or more forts running over a thousand kilometres across the rugged Western Ghats.Each were placed under three officers of equal status lest a single traitor should deliver it to the enemy. The officers (sabnis,Havladar,sar-i-naubat) acted jointly and provided mutual check.

Promotion of Sanskrit
The house of Shivaji was one of the Indian royal families who were well acquainted with Sanskrit and promoted it. The root can be traced from Shahaji who supported Jayram Pindye and many like him. Shivaji’s seal was prepared by him.

Shivaji continued this trait and developed it further. He named his forts as Sindhdurg, Prachandgarh, Suvarndurg etc. He named Ashta Pradhan (council of ministers) as per Sanskrit nomenclature viz. Nyayadhish, Senapati etc. He got Rajya Vyavahar Kosh (a political treatise) prepared.

After his death Sambhaji, who was himself a Sanskrit scholar (his verse - Budhbhushanam), continued it. His grandson Shahu spent his entire childhood in Mughal captivity, which affected his taste. But even he showered gifts on learned Brahmins. Serfoji II from the Thanjavur branch of the Bhosle continued the tradition by printing the first book in Marathi Devnagari.

Sambhaji issued one danapatra (donation plaque) which is in Sanskrit composed by himself in which he writes about his father as:

Yavanarambha gritat mlechakshaydiksha: It means - Shivaji had taken a sacred oath and was on mission to defeat invaders
Dillindraman pradhvanspatu: One who has defeated the Mughal Emperor of Delhi
Vijayapuradhishwar prathtarmanya bhujchachayay: One whose help was sought by Adilshahi King of Vijaypur

Religion
As per legend, the family deity of the Bhosles, goddess Bhavani gave a divine sword to Shivaji.Chhatrapati Shivaji was a devout Hindu and he respected all religions within the region. Shivaji had great respect for Warkari saints like Tukaram and Sufi Muslim pir Shaikh Yacub Baba Avaliya of Konkan.

He also visited Mouni Maharaj temple and Samadhi at Patgaon (Bhudargad Taluka near to Gargoti) in Kolhapur district. Shahaji had donated a huge piece of land to Shaha-Sharif Durga of Ahmednagar.

Shivaji allowed his subjects freedom of religion and opposed forced conversion. The first thing Shivaji did after a conquest was to promulgate protection of mosques and Muslim tombs. One-third of his army was Muslim, as were many of his commanders: his most trusted general in all his campaigns was Haider Ali Kohari; Darya Sarang was chief of armoury; Ibrahim Khan and Daulat Khan were prominent in the navy; and Siddi Ibrahim was chief of artillery.

Shivaji had respect for the Sufi tradition of Islam.[6] Shivaji used to pray at the mausoleum of the great Sufi Muslim saint Baba Sharifuddin. He also visited the abode of another great Sufi saint, Shaikh Yacub of the Konkan, and seeked his blessings. He called Hazrat Baba of Ratnagiri bahut thorwale bhau, meaning “great elder brother”.

Kafi Khan, the Mughal historian and Bernier, a French traveler, spoke highly of his religious policy. He also brought back converts like Netaji Palkar & Bajaji in toHinduism. He prohibited slavery in his kingdom.

Shivaji applied a humane and liberal policy to the women of his state.[6] There are many instances in folklore ,which describes Shivaji’s respect for women, irrespective of their religion, nationality, or creed.

Shivaji’s sentiments can be seen in an admonishing letter he wrote to Aurangzeb, in which he wrote: “Verily, Islam and Hinduism are terms of contrast. They are used by the true Divine Painter for blending the colours and filling in the outlines. If it is a mosque, the call to prayer is chanted in remembrance of him. If it is a temple, the bells are rung in yearning for him alone.”

Remembering the King
A statue of Shivaji in the Birla Mandir, DelhiBecause of his struggle against an imperial power, Shivaji became an icon of freedom fighters in the Indian independence struggle that followed two centuries later. He is remembered as a just and wise king and his rule is called one of the six golden ages in Indian history.

School texts in Maharashtra describe Shivaji’s rule as heroic, exemplary and inspiring and he is considered the founder of the modern Marathi nation; his policies were instrumental in forging a distinct Maharashtrian identity. A popular quotation:

“Maratha tituka melavava
Maharashtra Dharma vadhavava”

translates “Bring as many people into Maratha domain as possible; and grow the Maharashtra Creed ”

A political party, the Shiv Sena, claims to draw inspiration from Shivaji.

The Maratha Light Infantry, one of the oldest and distinguished regiments of the Indian Army has “Bol Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj ki Jai” as its battle cry.

The World Heritage site of Victoria Terminus and Sahar International Airport in Mumbai were renamed Chatrapati Shivaji Terminus and Chatrapati Shivaji International Airport respectively in Shivaji’s honour, as have many public buildings and spaces in recent years. The Interstate Bus Terminal of New Delhi has also been named after Shivaji.

Indian Navy has the School of Naval Engineering named INS SHIVAJI.
In the novel The Ark, the Indian ship is named Shivaji.

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born on 2nd October, 1869 in a Hindu Family in Porbandar.  His father was Karamchand Gandhi and mother Putalibai.  Mohandas in his early age was influenced by the tales & stories narrated by his mother. M. K. Gandhi married Kasturba, who he used to call as ‘Ba’  in  May 1883.  Gandhi was average at studies and hardly passed his matriculate from Bhavnagar, Gujrat.  His family wanted him to become a Barrister.

18 years of age, M. K. Gandhi went to London to study law and become a barrister from London University College. 

In South Africa, M.K. Gandhi faced major racial discrimination since he was an Indian & seen other Indian’s being treated the same way.  Two major incidents which changed the Mahatma were, the first he was asked to change his compartment from first class to third class although he was carrying a valid first class ticket.  He was also beaten by the driver since he refused to travel on the footboard and let space for European passengers to get in.  The second incident was of the Durban court which ordered Gandhi to remove his turban, which Gandhi refused.  These two incidents have been written down in history as a turning point which made the Mahatma stand up and fight against injustice and operation. 

Struggle for India’s Independence (1916–1945)

Gandhiji returned to India in 1915. He spoke at many conferances for Indian National Congress. He adopted the concept of Non Violence. His aim was to send the British out of India and end the British Raj. In December 1921, Gandhi was made executive authority on behalf of the Indian National Congresss. With Gandhi leading Congress were reorganized with a new constitution and the goal was to acchive Swaraj (Independence) He undertook many non violent protest with involved the ‘Non Cooperation movement’ in protest of the ‘Jallianwalla Baug massacre’ & the ‘Salt March’ against the tax on salt in March 1930.  Gandhi non violence move irritated the British and they beat him up several times and even put him in prison. The Mahatma was still focused on his dream to have a Free India.

On 30th January 1948, Gandhi was shot dead on the grounds of Birla Bhavan in New Delhi. His assassin was Nathuram Godse who belived that Gandhiji was weakening India by making payment to Pakistan. Godse was later tried and convicted  in November 1949. The last words of Gandhi before he died were ‘Hey RAM’ meaning ‘Oh God’ 

After the assassination of the Mahatama, Pandit Jawahar Nehru made a speech on National Radio

“Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long supressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of Inida and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity.

At the dawn of history India started on her unending quest, and trackless centuries are filled with her striving and the grandeur of her success and her failures. Through good and ill fortune alike she has never lost sight of that quest or forgotten the ideals which gave her strength. We end today a period of ill fortune and India discovers herself again. The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the greater triumphs and achievements that await us. Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future?

Freedom and power bring responsibility. The responsibility rests upon this Assembly, a sovereign body representing the sovereign people of India. Before the birth of freedom we have endured all the pains of labour and our hearts are heavy with the memory of this sorrow. Some of those pains continue even now. Nevertheless, the past is over and it is the future that beckons to us now.

That future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we may fulfil the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity. The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us, but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over.

And so we have to labour and to work, and work hard, to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world, for all the nations and peoples are too closely knit together today for any one of them to imagine that it can live apart Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this One World that can no longer be split into isolated fragments.

To the people of India, whose representatives we are, we make an appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill-will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.

The appointed day has come-the day appointed by destiny-and India stands forth again, after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent. The past clings on to us still in some measure and we have to do much before we redeem the pledges we have so often taken. Yet the turning-point is past, and history begins anew for us, the history which we shall live and act and others will write about.

It is a fateful moment for us in India, for all Asia and for the world. A new star rises, the star of freedom in the East, a new hope comes into being, a vision long cherished materializes. May the star never set and that hope never be betrayed! We rejoice in that freedom, even though clouds surround us, and many of our people are sorrowstricken and difficult problems encompass us. But freedom brings responsibilities and burdens and we have to face them in the spirit of a free and disciplined people.On this day our first thoughts go to the architect of this freedom, the Father of our Nation [Gandhi], who, embodying the old spirit of India, held aloft the torch of freedom and lighted up the darkness that surrounded us. We have often been unworthy followers of his and have strayed from his message, but not only we but succeeding generations will remember this message and bear the imprint in their hearts of this great son of India, magnificent in his faith and strength and courage and humility. We shall never allow that torch of freedom to be blown out, however high the wind or stormy the tempest.

Our next thoughts must be of the unknown volunteers and soldiers of freedom who, without praise or reward, have served India even unto death.

We think also of our brothers and sisters who have been cut off from us by political boundaries and who unhappily cannot share at present in the freedom

that has come. They are of us and will remain of us whatever may happen, and we shall be sharers in their good [or] ill fortune alike.

The future beckons to us. Whither do we go and what shall be our endeavour? To bring freedom and opportunity to the common man, to the peasants and workers of India; to fight and end poverty and ignorance and disease; to build up a prosperous, democratic and progressive nation, and to create social, economic and political institutions which will ensure justice and fullness of life to every man and woman.

We have hard work ahead. There is no resting for any one of us till we redeem our pledge in full, till we make all the people of India what destiny intended them to be. We are citizens of a great country on the verge of bold advance, and we have to live up to that high standard. All of us, to whatever religion we may belong, are equally the children of India with equal rights, privileges and obligations. We cannot encourage communalism or narrow-mindedness, for no nation can be great whose people are narrow in thought or in action.

To the nations and peoples of the world we send greetings and pledge ourselves to cooperate with them in furthering peace, freedom and democracy.

And to India, our much-loved motherland, the ancient, the eternal and the ever-new, we pay our reverent homage and we bind ourselves afresh to her service.

JAI HIND”.

Reprinted in Brian McArthur, Penguin Book of Twentieth Century Speeches(London: Penguin Viking, 1992), pp. 234-237. by Prof. Arkenberg.

Subhas Chandra Bose (Bengali; (born January 23, 1897; presumed to have died August 18, 1945 [although this is disputed]), generally known as Netaji (literally “Respected Leader”), was one of the most prominent and highly respected leaders of the Indian independence movement against the British Raj.

Bose was elected president of the Indian National Congress for two consecutive terms but resigned from the post following ideological conflicts with Mahatma Gandhi. Bose believed that Mahatma Gandhi’s tactics of non-violence would never be sufficient to secure India’s independence, and advocated violent resistance. He established a separate political party, the All India Forward Bloc and continued to call for the full and immediate independence of India from British rule. He was imprisoned by the British authorities eleven times.

His stance did not change with the outbreak of the Second World War, which he saw as an opportunity to take advantage of British weakness. At the outset of the war, he fled India and travelled to the Soviet Union, Germany and Japan, seeking an alliance with the aim of attacking the British in India. With Japanese assistance, he re-organised and later led the Indian National Army, formed from Indian prisoners-of-war and plantation workers from Malaya, Singapore and other parts of Southeast Asia, against British forces. With Japanese monetary, political, diplomatic and military assistance, he formed the Azad Hind Government in exile and regrouped and led the Indian National Army in battle against the allies at Imphal and in Burma.

His political views and the alliances he made with Nazi and other militarist regimes opposed to the British Empire have been the cause of arguments among historians and politicians, with some accusing him of Fascist sympathies and of Quislingist actions, while others in India largely sympathetic towards his inculcation of realpolitik as a manifesto that guided his social and political choices. He is believed to have died on 18 August 1945 in a plane crash over Taiwan. However, contradictory evidence exists regarding his death in the accident.

Early life
———–
Bose in his youth.Subhas Chandra Bose was born in 1897 to an affluent Bengali family in Cuttack, Orissa in India. His father, Janakinath Bose, was a public prosecutor who believed in orthodox nationalism, and later became a member of the Bengal Legislative Council. Bose was educated at Ravenshaw Collegiate School, Cuttack, Scottish Church College, Calcutta and Fitzwilliam College at Cambridge University. In 1920, Bose took the Indian Civil Services entrance examination and was placed fourth with highest marks in English. However, he resigned from the prestigious Indian Civil Service in April 1921 despite his high ranking in the merit list, and went on to become an active member of India’s independence movement. He joined the Indian National Congress, and was particularly active in its youth wing.

Still, Bose’s ideals did not match those of Mahatma Gandhi’s single belief in non-violence. He therefore returned to Calcutta to work under Chittaranjan Das, the Bengali freedom fighter and co-founder (with Motilal Nehru) of the Swaraj Party.

In 1921, Bose organised a boycott of the celebrations to mark the visit of the Prince of Wales to India, which led to his imprisonment. In April 1924, Bose was elected to the post of Chief Executive Officer of the newly constituted Calcutta Corporation, In October that year, Bose was arrested on suspicion of terrorism. At first, he was kept in Alipore Jail and later he was exiled to Mandalay in Burma (where earlier Bal Gangadhar Tilak had spent 6 years in prison). On January 23, 1930, Bose was once again arrested for leading an “independence procession”, protesting against British rule in India. After his release from jail on September 25, he was elected as the Mayor of the City of Calcutta.

Over a span of 20 years, Bose was incarcerated eleven times by the British, either in India or in Rangoon. During the mid 1930s he was exiled by the British from India to Europe, where he championed India’s cause and aspiration for self-rule before gatherings and conferences.

After his father’s death, the British authorities allowed him to land at Calcutta’s airport only for the religious rites, which would be followed by his swift departure. He travelled extensively in India and in Europe before stating his political opposition to Gandhi. During his stay in Europe from 1933 to 1936, he met several European leaders and thinkers.He came to believe that India could achieve political freedom only if it had political, military and diplomatic support from outside, and that an independent nation necessitated the creation of a national army to secure its sovereignty. Subhash Chandra Bose married Emilie Schenkl, an Austrian born national, who was his secretary, in 1937. According to Schenkl, she and Bose were secretly married in Bad Gastein on 26 December 1937. They had one daughter, Anita, born in 1942. Bose wrote many letters to Schenkl during the period 1934–1942, of which many have been published in the book Letters to Emilie Schenkl, edited by Sisir Kumar Bose and Sugata Bose.

Bose arriving at the AICC meeting in 1939Bose became the president of the Haripura Indian National Congress in 1938, against Gandhi’s wishes. Gandhi commented “Pattavi’s defeat is my own defeat. Anyway, Subhas Bose is not an enemy of the country”. Gandhi’s continued opposition led to the latter’s resignation from the Working Committee, and the possibility that the rest of the CWC would resign. In the face of this gesture of no-confidence, Bose himself resigned, and was left with no alternative but to form an independent party, the All India Forward Bloc. Bose also initiated the concept of the National Planning Committee in 1938.

Actions during the Second World War
————————————
Bose advocated the approach that the political instability of war-time Britain should be taken advantage of—rather than simply wait for the British to grant independence after the end of the war (which was the view of Gandhi, Nehru and a section of the Congress leadership at the time). In this, he was influenced by the examples of Italian statesmen Giuseppe Garibaldi and Giuseppe Mazzini.

His correspondence reveals that despite his clear dislike for British subjugation, he was deeply impressed by their methodical and systematic approach and their steadfastly disciplinarian outlook towards life. In England, he exchanged ideas on the future of India with British Labour Party leaders and political thinkers like Lord Halifax, George Lansbury, Clement Attlee, Arthur Greenwood, Harold Laski, J.B.S. Haldane, Ivor Jennings, G.D.H. Cole, Gilbert Murray and Sir Stafford Cripps . He came to believe that a free India needed Socialist authoritarianism, on the lines of Turkey’s Kemal Atatürk, for at least two decades. Bose was refused permission by the British authorities to meet Mr. Ataturk at Ankara for political reasons. It should be noted that during his sojourn in England, only the Labour Party and Liberal politicians agreed to meet with Bose when he tried to schedule appointments. Conservative Party officials refused to meet Bose or show him the slightest courtesy due to the fact that he was a politician coming from a colony, but it may also be recalled that in the 1930s leading figures in the Conservative Party had opposed even Dominion status for India. It may also be observed here that it was during the regime of the Labour Party (1945-1951), with Attlee as the Prime Minister, that India gained independence.

The Escape
————-
The car that Bose used during his escapeOn the outbreak of war, Bose advocated a campaign of mass civil disobedience to protest against Viceroy Lord Linlithgow’s decision to declare war on India’s behalf without consulting the Congress leadership. Having failed to persuade Gandhi of the necessity of this, Bose organised mass protests in Calcutta calling for the ‘Holwell Monument’ commemorating the Black Hole of Calcutta, which then stood at the corner of Dalhousie Square, to be removed[citation needed]. A reasonable measure of the contrast between Gandhi and Bose is captured in a saying attributable to him: “If people slap you once, slap them twice”. He was thrown in jail by the British, but was released following a seven-day hunger strike. Bose’s house in Calcutta was kept under surveillance by the CBI, but their vigilance left a good deal to be desired. With two court cases pending, he felt the British would not let him leave the country before the end of the war. This set the scene for Bose’s escape to Germany, via Afghanistan and the Soviet Union. Bose had never been to Afghanistan, and could not speak the local tribal language (Pashto).

Bose escaped from under British surveillance at his house in Calcutta. On January 19, 1941, accompanied by his nephew Sisir K. Bose, Bose gave his watchers the slip and journeyed to Peshawar. With the assistance of the Abwehr, he made his way to Peshawar where he was met at Peshawar Cantonment station by Akbar Shah, Mohammed Shah and Bhagat Ram Talwar. Bose was taken to the home of Abad Khan, a trusted friend of Akbar Shah’s. On 26 January 1941, Bose began his journey to reach Russia through India’s North West frontier with Afghanistan. For this reason, he enlisted the help of Mian Akbar Shah, then a Forward Bloc leader in the North West Frontier Province. Shah had been out of India en route to the Soviet Union, and suggested a novel disguise for Bose to assume. Since Bose could not speak one word of Pashto, it would make him an easy target of Pashto speakers working for the British. For this reason, Shah suggested that Bose act deaf and dumb, and let his beard grow to mimic those of the tribesmen.

Cancelled passport of BoseSupporters of the Aga Khan helped him across the border into Afghanistan where he was met by an Abwehr unit posing as a party of road construction engineers from the Organization Todt who then aided his passage across Afghanistan via Kabul to the border with Soviet Russia. Once in Russia the NKVD transported Bose to Moscow where he hoped that Russia’s traditional enmity to British rule in India would result in support for his plans for a popular rising in India. However, Bose found the Soviets’ response disappointing and was rapidly passed over to the German Ambassador in Moscow, Count von der Schulenburg. He had Bose flown on to Berlin in a special courier aircraft at the beginning of April where he was to receive a more favourable hearing from Joachim von Ribbentrop and the Foreign Ministry officials at the Wilhelmstrasse.

Assassination Attempts
————————
In 1941, when the British learned that Bose had sought the support of the Axis Powers, they ordered their agents to intercept and assassinate Bose before he reached Germany. A recently declassified intelligence document refers to a top-secret instruction to the Special Operations Executive (SOE) of British intelligence department to murder Bose. In fact, the plan to liquidate Bose has few parallels, and appears to be a last desperate measure against a man who had thrown the British Empire into a panic.

In Germany
———–
Bose and a Wehrmacht officer.Having escaped incarceration at home by assuming the guise of a Pashtun insurance agent (”Ziaudddin”) to reach Afghanistan, Bose travelled to Moscow on the passport of an Italian nobleman “Count Orlando Mazzotta”. From Moscow, he reached Rome, and from there he travelled to Germany, where he instituted the Special Bureau for India under Adam von Trott zu Solz, broadcasting on the German-sponsored Azad Hind Radio. He founded the Free India Centre in Berlin, and created the Indian Legion (consisting of some 4500 soldiers) out of Indian prisoners of war who had previously fought for the British in North Africa prior to their capture by Axis forces. The Indian Legion was attached to the Wehrmacht, and later transferred to the Waffen SS;[3] its members swore their allegiance to both Hitler and Bose to secure India’s independence. He was also, however, prepared to envisage an invasion of India via the U.S.S.R. by Nazi troops, spearheaded by the Azad Hind Legion; many have questioned his judgment here, as it seems unlikely that the Germans could have been easily persuaded to leave after such an invasion, which might also have resulted in an Axis victory in the War.[4]

The lack of interest shown by Hitler in the cause of Indian independence eventually caused Bose to become disillusioned with Hitler and he decided to leave Nazi Germany in 1943. Bose had been living together with his wife Emilie Schenkl in Berlin from 1941 until 1943, when he left for south-east Asia. He travelled by the German submarine U-180 around the Cape of Good Hope to Imperial Japan (via Japanese submarine I-29). Thereafter the Japanese helped him raise his army in Singapore. This was the only civilian transfer across two submarines of two different navies in World War II.

South-East Asia
Indian National Army
————————
Bose as the leader of INA The Indian National Army (INA) was originally founded by Capt Mohan Singh in Singapore in September 1942 with Japan’s Indian POWs in the Far East. This was along the concept of—and with support of—what was then known as the Indian Independence League, headed by expatriate nationalist leader Rash Behari Bose. The first INA was however disbanded in December 1942 after disagreements between the Hikari Kikan and Mohan singh, who came to believe that the Japanese High Command was using the INA as a mere pawn and Propaganda tool. Mohan Singh was taken into custody and the troops returned to the Prisoner-of-War camp. However, the idea of a liberation army was revived with the arrival of Subhas Chandra Bose in the Far East in 1943. In July, at a meeting in Singapore, Rash Behari Bose handed over control of the organisation to Subhas Chandra Bose. Bose was able to reorganise the fledging army and organise massive support among the expatriate Indian population in south-east Asia, who lent their support by both enlisting in the Indian National Army, as well as financially in response to Bose’s calls for sacrifice for the national cause. At its height it consisted of some 85,000[citation needed] regular troops, including a separate women’s unit, the Rani of Jhansi Regiment (named after Rani Lakshmi Bai), which is seen as a first of its kind in Asia.

Even when faced with military reverses, Bose was able to maintain support for the Azad Hind movement. Spoken as a part of a motivational speech for the Indian National Army at a rally of Indians in Burma on July 4, 1944, Bose’s most famous quote was “Give me blood, and I shall give you freedom!” . In this, he urged the people of India to join him in his fight against the British Raj. Spoken in Hindi, Bose’s words are highly evocative. The troops of the INA were under the aegis of a provisional government, the Azad Hind Government, which came to produce its own currency, court and civil code, and was recognised by nine Axis states—Germany, Japan, Italy, the Independent State of Croatia, Wang Jingwei’s Government in Nanjing, Thailand, a provisional government of Burma, Manchukuo and Japanese-controlled Philippines. Recent researches have shown that the USSR too had recognised the “Provisional Government of Free India”. Of those countries, five were authorities established under Axis occupation. This government participated as a delegate or observer in the so-called Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.

The INA’s first commitment was in the Japanese thrust towards Eastern Indian frontiers of Manipur. INA’s special forces, the Bahadur Group, were extensively involved in operations behind enemy lines both during the diversionary attacks in Arakan, as well as the Japanese thrust towards Imphal and Kohima, along with the Burmese National Army led by Ba Maw and Aung San. A year after the islands were taken by the Japanese, the Provisional Government and the INA were established in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands with Lt Col. A.D. Loganathan appointed its Governor General. The islands were renamed Shaheed (Martyr) and Swaraj (Self-rule). However, the Japanese Navy remained in essential control of the island’s administration. During Bose’s only visit to the islands in late in 1943, when he was carefully screened from the local population by the Japanese authorities, who at that time were torturing the leader of the Indian Independence League on the Islands, Dr. Diwan Singh (who later died of his injuries, in the Cellular Jail). The islanders made several attempts to alert Bose to their plight, but apparently without success.[5] Enraged with the lack of administrative control, Lt. Col Loganathan later relinquished his authority to return to the Government’s head quarters in Rangoon.

On the Indian mainland, an Indian Tricolour, modelled after that of the Indian National Congress, was raised for the first time in the town in Moirang, in Manipur, in north-eastern India. The towns of Kohima and Imphal were placed under siege by divisions of the Japanese, Burmese and the Gandhi and Nehru Brigades of I.N.A. during the attempted invasion of India, also known as Operation U-GO. However, Commonwealth forces held both positions and then counter-attacked, in the process inflicting serious losses on the besieging forces, which were then forced to retreat back into Burma.

Bose had hoped that large numbers of soldiers would desert from the Indian Army when they would discover that INA soldiers were attacking British India from the outside.[6] However, this did not materialise on a sufficient scale. Instead, as the war situation worsened for the Japanese, troops began to desert from the INA. At the same time Japanese funding for the army diminished, and Bose was forced to raise taxes on the Indian populations of Malaysia and Singapore, sometimes extracting money by force.[7] When the Japanese were defeated at the battles of Kohima and Imphal, the Provisional Government’s aim of establishing a base in mainland India was lost forever. The INA was forced to pull back, along with the retreating Japanese army, and fought in key battles against the British Indian Army in its Burma campaign, notable in Meiktilla, Mandalay, Pegu, Nyangyu and Mount Popa. However, with the fall of Rangoon, Bose’s government ceased be an effective political entitiy. A large proportion of the INA troops surrendered under Lt Col Loganathan when Rangoon fell. The remaining troops retreated with Bose towards Malaya or made for Thailand. Japan’s surrender at the end of the war also led to the eventual surrender of the Indian National Army, when the troops of the British Indian Army were repatriated to India and some tried for treason.

His other famous quote was, “Delhi chalo”, meaning “On to Delhi!”. This was the call he used to give the INA armies to motivate them. “Jai Hind”, or, “Glory to India!” was another slogan used by him and later adopted by the Government of India and the Indian Armed Forces.

Disappearance and alleged death of Bose
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Officially, Bose died in a plane crash over Taiwan, while flying to Tokyo on 18 August 1945. However, his body was never recovered, and many theories have been put forward concerning his possible survival. One such claim is that Bose actually died in Siberia, while in Soviet captivity. Several committees have been set up by the Government of India to probe into this matter.

In May 1956, a four-man Indian team (known as the Shah Nawaz Committee) visited Japan to probe the circumstances of Bose’s alleged death. The Indian government did not then request assistance from the government of Taiwan in the matter, citing their lack of diplomatic relations with Taiwan.

However, the Inquiry Commission under Justice Mukherjee, which investigated the Bose disappearance mystery in the period 1999-2005, did approach the Taiwanese government and obtained information from the Taiwan Government that no plane carrying Bose had ever crashed in Taipei.[8] The Mukherjee Commission also received a report originating from the US State Department, supporting the claim of the Taiwan Government that no such air crash took place during that time frame.

The Mukherjee Commission submitted its report to the Indian Government on November 8, 2005. The report was tabled in Parliament on May 17, 2006. The probe said in its report that Bose did not die in the plane crash and the ashes at Renkoji temple are not his. However, the Indian Government rejected the findings of the Commission.

Bose had clearly expressed his belief that democracy was the best option for India. The pro-Bose thinkers believe that his authoritarian control of the Azad Hind was based on political pragmatism and a post-colonial recovery doctrine rather than any anti-democratic belief.[citation needed]. However, during the war (and possibly as early as the 1930s) Bose seems to have decided that no democratic system could be adequate to overcome India’s poverty and social inequalities, and he wrote that an authoritarian state, similar to that of Soviet Russia (which he had also seen and admired) would be needed for the process of national re-building. Accordingly some suggest that Bose’s alliance with the Axis during the war was based on more than just pragmatism, and that Bose may have been a Fascist, though not a Nazi; alternatively, others consider he might have been using populist methods of mobilisation common to many post-colonial leaders.